Our Program

The National Democratic Assembly aspires to unite the people of this nation through democratic mechanisms that work to liberate the people and the homeland by defeating the occupation; building a state based on freedom, good governance, and the rule of law; liberating and developing the citizenry by respecting and mobilizing their capabilities, benefitting from their intellectual capacities, and ensuring for them opportunities that facilitate achievement and innovation, and strengthen their resilience to confront a racist colonial occupation that aims to expand settler colonialism and destroy the population.

We are at a critical impasse, and the Palestinian people need a new beginning.  If the Palestinian people grant us their trust in the elections, we in the National Democratic Assembly believe we can forge this new beginning by supporting and serving the citizenry, alleviating their burdens, and promoting their economic resilience.  This requires rebuilding our political system, eliminating corruption, and rebuilding the administrative and security services.  It also means defending and restoring our land, confronting Israeli settler colonialism, as well as working towards national independence and the realization of future prosperity.

It is imperative to confront the current conditions heads on and correctly identify the difficulties that encircle us. We must work to find the solutions to such obstacles and problems, not equivocate or simplify them or spread lies and illusions about them.

We are of the people, defenders of their interests, not officials in power or those leaders and political actors that citizens are weary of and seek to change.  The National Democratic Assembly is not a party/faction; rather, it is a coalition of serious and reputable members of Fatah and other movements, scholars, intellectuals and independents from all walks of life, who share the same deep concern over the situation of our country and cause.  We agreed on this political platform encompassing various issues and identifying specific tasks that representatives of the Assembly will be committed to carrying out in the Legislative Council.

Palestine has been the homeland of the Palestinian people since ancient times – it is the Holy Land, the first of the two Qiblas, home of the third of the Two Holy Mosques, and the birthplace of Christ, peace be upon Him.  It is the home of Al-Haram Al-Sharif and the Church of the Holy Sepulchre in our Jerusalem, and of Al-Haram Al-Ibrahimi in Al-Khalil (Hebron), the Church of the Nativity in Bethlehem and many other holy sites, shrines, and cultural landmarks.

Palestine is the land of rabat (steadfastness). Palestine lives in the Palestinian people and they live in it and defend their land and its identity with dedication and passion.  The Palestinian people, wherever they are, deserve the integrity of unity, of honorable service and the amelioration of their conditions. 

The Palestinian Authority assumed responsibility for the Palestinian people in the Palestinian Territory occupied since 1967, including Jerusalem, that is, in the State of Palestine under occupation. However, it remains essential, especially through the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO), to address the needs of the people wherever they may be, particularly in the refugee camps – the sector that initiated the contemporary Palestinian revolution and continues to make enormous sacrifices.

Our people in exile must be organized in a unified and dynamic manner to enable their effective contribution to Palestinian national efforts in all forms.  We also affirm that our people, who remained on their land in what became Israel after Al-Nakba, are part of the Palestinian people. We are united by our shared sense of belonging and culture, faiths, and history.However, their particular legal status imposes different tasks on them, centered on the struggle for democracy and equality against discrimination and oppression.  The importance of their struggle has intensified, particularly following the adoption of the “Nation State Law” in Israel, which can be considered a core step in establishing an apartheid regime in Israel – a step that must be vehemently confronted and reversed. 

Hence, there are two main sectors of the Palestinian people:  the first comprises our people in the Occupied State of Palestine and in exile; the second, our people in what has become Israel.  Priorities and tasks change but what unites us all is above all else, and we must always maintain complementarity and joint action in all areas. 

Special priority must be afforded to ensuring full preparedness in emergency response, including the necessary planning and resources to respond to emergencies and natural/environmental disasters, to ensure adequate and rapid management of risks, protection of the most vulnerable, promotion of equity, and preservation of human rights.  This requires appropriate preparation and planning in close coordination between the various sectors and relevant authorities.

The Covid-19 pandemic has been a disaster for the Palestinian people and the world on many levels. The pandemic also revealed a lack of material preparedness and the absence of integrated vision to tackle the pandemic and its health, social, and economic consequences.  Striking the necessary balance in response to the pandemic remains challenging, especially the balance between precautionary measures that negatively affect the economy and the living conditions of citizens on the one hand, and the continuation of work and economic activity on the other.  However, the problem in Palestine extends beyond that, as the responsible authorities have not demonstrated a serious intent to confront the challenges of the pandemic and protect the health of the citizenry, including by ensuring availability of timely and necessary provisions, such as tests and protective equipment, at least for medical staff and first responders, designating specialized hospitals, or ensuring access to ventilators and other life-saving devices.  Worse still, there seems to be great chaos regarding the timely and sufficient procurement of the Covid-19 vaccine and a lack of transparency with regard to the distribution of the miniscule number of available vaccines in accordance with the internationally-approved framework of distribution.

Israel, the occupying power, has played a heinous role, which contradicts international law and moral values.  It did not cooperate or coordinate with the Palestinian Authority, especially in ​​providing vaccines. Instead, Israel absurdly refused to vaccinate prisoners or labourers at the outset. 

We hope that there is still time for this all to be addressed. However, public trust and understanding must be restored on the basis of cooperation, commitment, and focused diligence. This requires serious governmental preparedness to overcome the shortcomings of the past.  We will work to actively respond to the pandemic and find appropriate solutions, particularly since it seems unlikely the pandemic will end by the middle of this year.  Therefore, efficient planning and implementation that is acceptable to the society is urgently needed.


1.     Increase national capacities to cope with emergencies and reduce risk to a minimum.

2.     Raise preparedness level of the health sector, including that of first responders in situations of emergency;

3.     Promote greater awareness, transparency, and credibility in dealing with the pandemic, and avoid grandstanding.

4.     Work to provide treatment and vaccinations to all, equally and equitably, and with a clear, publicized strategy.

5.     Provide medical personnel with timely and necessary resources and capabilities.

The first among the priorities for Palestinian action, requires the restoration of unity, ending the division, returning the Gaza Strip to the Palestinian political and administrative system, ceasing individual and factional exclusivity, and building a true partnership with all parties based on national belonging and the interests of the homeland and the people.

The requirements of ending division are:

  •        Hamas’s acceptance to relinquish its unilateral control of the Gaza Strip and its acceptance of the Gaza Strip’s return to a unified Palestinian political and administrative system;
  •        Acceptance by Fatah and the leadership of the Palestinian Authority of a real partnership within the framework of the National Authority and of the PLO, including the civil service and ministries in the Authority and in the PLO bodies.
  •        Consensus on a clear political program that defines, among other things, the central national goal, which is the achievement of the national independence of the State of Palestine on the 1967 borders with East Jerusalem as its capital, and specifies the forms of struggle. 

Once agreement on and respect for the aforementioned are achieved, intensive efforts must be undertaken immediately and comprehensively to resolve all matters of dispute and outstanding issues and agree on a timeline for implementation of the agreement. Among others, these issues include:  civil service employees; security services staff and reform of the security apparatus; issues of [public] land [ownership], law and the judiciary, including the review of laws issued during the years of division and in the absence of the Legislative Council; methods of resistance; the composition of the National Council and other bodies of the PLO as well as its political program; in addition to the structure and program of the government.

However, current elections are being held in a divergent context, and rather than end the division, it appears that they will perpetuate it.  Of course, it would be great if this were proven wrong, and unity is indeed restored.  In any case, restoring unity and ending the division must remain a central goal that we all work to achieve before and after the elections.


1.     Work towards the restoration of political and geographical unity, raising awareness of its requirements and encouraging a comprehensive national dialogue to accomplish what is necessary, while working with the two legislative blocs of Fatah and Hamas and others to achieve that objective.

2.     Engage in efforts to increase pressure on the relevant parties to move in this direction, regardless of the election results.

3.     Enact a law aimed at insulating the democratic process from Israeli aggression, particularly arrests and threats, through the adoption of the Norwegian Law and other laws that would prevent or limit the effects of the occupation’s interventions.

This fundamental issue is long overdue, even in accordance with the protocols of the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO). It is imperative to agree on a new National Council that would reflect the status of the Palestinian national movement and the reality of Palestinian society in the homeland and abroad.  The PLO, which is a broad national front, is the sole legitimate representative of the Palestinian people in the homeland and abroad and the reference point of the Palestinian National Authority. Therefore, it predominates the ballot box in the homeland.

A core number of the members of the National Council must be elected, especially from the Legislative Council, the natural members of the Council, while efforts must also be exerted to convene elections wherever possible.  Additionally, the Council must include representatives of the grassroots unions and syndicates , once they are rebuilt, and representatives of communities abroad must be represented once they are re-established in a unified framework.  To facilitate this, elections must be held in Palestinian communities wherever possible.  The remaining members of the National Council must be concordant representatives of the various factional and other sectors.

It is also clear that the PLO bylaws need to be enhanced and developed without compromising their essence.  This will be one of the new Council's tasks, along with electing the Central Council and Executive Committee, which must be able to lead the Palestinian national struggle and assume the expected arising additional responsibilities.  The three PLO bodies– the National Council, the Central Council, and the Executive Committee – must be preserved and their mandates, duties, and functions conserved.  Further, the Palestinian National Charter must be revised and adopted in its new format, and in such a manner that preserves Palestinian rights and goals.  The marginalization of the PLO and absence of meetings must be overcome.



1.     Push for consensus on a new National Council that must include Hamas and Islamic Jihad, who are part of the Palestinian people, following an agreement on restoring unity and the status of the Gaza Strip.

2.     Rebuild unions, syndicates, and community organizations abroad, promote their unification, and help to facilitate their free, democratic, and regular elections.

3.     Enhance and develop the bylaws of the PLO while preserving its essence and main bodies, along with their mandates, duties, and functions.

The PLO, as the representative of the Palestinian people, concluded the Declaration of Principles Agreement in 1993 with the Government of Israel, as well as several subsequent interim agreements, all known as the Oslo Accords.

The essence of the Oslo Accords” was the establishment of a transitional interim self-government for the Palestinian inhabitants of the West Bank, including Jerusalem, and the Gaza Strip, for a set period of time, during which negotiations on a permanent settlement is reached.  It was an idea that, as it is known, began at Camp David in 1978, and was the core of the Framework for Middle East Peace agreed upon by Anwar Sadat, Menachim Begin and Jimmy Carter.

The flaws of the idea behind the Accords are the violations of the inalienable rights of the Palestinian people, including the right to self-determination and national independence, and that they do not acknowledge the need to end the Israeli occupation.  Nevertheless, the Accords led to the return to the homeland of leaders of the Palestinian national movement, along with hundreds of thousands of its cadres and their families, and to the establishment of the Palestinian Authority and its institutions.

The main problem is that the Accords did not lead to real negotiations on final status issues, as agreed.  Instead, settler colonialism continued and even intensified – in contradiction to these agreements.  In general, the Israeli right strongly opposed the agreements and worked to nullify them, beginning with the assassination of Yitzhak Rabin, the incursions and widespread destruction in the second intifada and, later, the assassination of the leader Yasser Arafat. 

Successive Israeli governments have circumvented or even nullified the agreements and have imposed numerous realities and mechanisms on the ground, including the re-establishment of the military government under the title of “Coordinator of Government Activities in the Territories” and the resumption of the “Civil Administration.”.  Additionally, the agreements were concluded as a transitional measure over a period of five years, which expired long ago.

Despite all of the above, it would be unwise for the Palestinian side to assume responsibility for announcing the annulment of agreements that Israel has in actuality repealed.  The appropriate position is to emphasize the expiration of the agreements due to the passage of time and to Israel’s actions and policies.  It is also appropriate to affirm the continuity of certain aspects of the Accords, such as the existence of the Palestinian Authority, clearing funds, combating terrorism and its manifestations such as ISIS and other extremists, while reaffirming the importance of fighting other forms of terrorism, in particular state terrorism by the Israeli army and the terrorism of Israeli settlers against our people.

Moreover, the so-called security coordination must be stopped and completely reconsidered.  Since Israel, the occupying power, does what it wants with neither respect for nor compliance with the Accords, the Palestinian side must do what it finds necessary and in a strategic and serious manner.  These matters are addressed in numerous articles in this program, which aim at ending this situation.

The Palestinian National Authority:

The Palestinian National Authority was established as the interim Palestinian self-governing authority in accordance with the signed agreements. Nevertheless, its structures have exceeded such limitations to resemble more the framework of state structures, including the establishment of an elected and independent Legislative Council and independent judiciary, in addition to the executive authority and its various bodies.  The Palestinian Authority’s institutions were built in the early years of its existence.  However, the situation changed, especially after 2002 and 2004, as Israel, the occupying power, gradually and forcibly imposed different circumstances on the Authority, including the restoration of the Israeli military government as the “Coordinator of Government Activities in the Territories” and its “Civil Administration.”

Another fundamental change occurred after 2007, with the division that severed the Gaza Strip from the Palestinian political and administrative system and led to the disruption of the work and subsequent dissolution of the Legislative Council. This resulted in  an disparity between the authorities as well as a significant weakening of the judicial authority and other state institutions, leading to overall deterioration and serious imbalance.

The conclusion, at this time, is that the status quo does not amount even to “autonomy”. Rather, it is much less than that.  The constitutional nature of the system (whether presidential or parliamentary) is now ambiguous, , the security services have become more powerful, and freedoms have declined.


1.     Develop an action plan to end the Oslo Accords and its obligations, to actualize the State and to achieve freedom and independence, based on the precepts of this program and whatever may be necessary to realize this objective.

2.     Conduct a comprehensive review of the role of the administrative authority services and its security apparatus, and rectify their roles.

The Palestinian government must be able to provide the necessary services to the Palestinian people on a clear practical and political basis, as described in tprogram.  Despite some doubts around it, the idea of forming a national unity government is positive. However, it does not detract from the urgent tasks that would be incumbent upon any government that is formed.

The Palestinian administration, as a whole, needs to be reassessed, including the review of roles, responsibilities and budgets, as well as in terms of the structure andnumber of ministries, the cultivation of effective staff, and ending underemployment.  Additionally, the role of local government must be activated, along with undertaking the requisite reforms in this regard.  It is also essential to prohibit, as illegal, any discriminatory treatment of employees on a geographical basis, as is currently the situation with employees in the Gaza Strip.

We must also end the illusory presence of large numbers of staff as one type of corruption, combat other forms of corruption, and develop programs to enhance professional capacity and efficiency.  A review of the retirement law also needs to be undertaken, including the retirement of ministers and senior employees, and to possibly reconsider lowering the retirement age, which appears to have been set for political purposes.  In general, it might also be beneficial to ban the use of titles for people in official positions of government and in the Authority. 

The security apparatuses must also be reconstituted, and a new security doctrine must be formulated to eradicate corruption and expurgate the ranks, as well as reinforce their capacities to protect the Palestinian people, and combat collaboration with the occupying power, the illicit diversion of lands to Israel, drug smuggling, and other social ills.  Moreover, the relationship between the Authority and the PLO needs to be reviewed, including a redistribution of mandates that would transfer political functions to the PLO.  


  1. Forming a new government that represents the will of the electorate and is able to meet the needs of the Palestinian people, provide the foundations for steadfastness on the land of Palestine, and promote an environment that resists occupation and settler colonialism.
  2.  Prioritize a government of national unity within the framework of the agreement on the restoration of unity.
  3.  Reform public administration and enhance its efficiency, end any discriminatory treatment of employees on a geographical basis, and resolve the problems of other Gaza Strip employees in a just and permanent manner.
  4.  Review the Retirement Law.
  5.  Rebuild the security apparatuses and adopt a new security doctrine.
  6.  Review and transform the functions of the Authority to become an authority dedicated to serving citizens and improving their conditions, while transferring the political tasks to the PLO and consecrating this framework through legislation.

It is imperative to affirm an abiding commitment to democracy, including regular elections and the fair and transparent transfer of power as the basis of the political system, while also reaffirming the importance of collective action in the drive for national liberation.  

But efforts should not stop here.  Democracy must be strengthened through regular elections at all levels: municipalities and village councils, as well as unions, associations, and civil society organizations.  Of course, democracy is more than a ballot box. In addition to the rotation of power, it is an environment of freedoms, including the freedom of the media individual freedoms, especially the freedom of expression, belief and protest, as well as freedom from all forms of oppression and torture. Democracy also includes the rejection of and opposition to all forms of discrimination, whether based on religion, race, gender, region, family, or social background.

This all requires the completion of elections, through holding presidential elections as scheduled, and strengthening the work of the Legislative Council in the area of the rule of law – and this necessitates a review of all presidential decrees issued in the past period, in particular the laws governing the judiciary, cybercrime, and charitable associations, as well as the unification laws and their implementation across the country.  It is also essential to review the various international conventions and treaties to which Palestine became a signatory absent a legislative process and harmonization with domestic laws, with the aim of remedying these gaps.  The Legislative Council should also provide support and assistance to strengthen the judiciary and ensure its independence, as it is one of the three main branches of government that complement and protect the balance of power.


      1.     Push for regular elections at all levels and the strengthening of the democratic conditions of the system.

      2.     Reinforce freedoms, including freedom of the media and other basic individual freedoms, reject all forms of discrimination, and enact the legislations necessary in this regard.

      3.     Affirm the independence of the judiciary, strengthen its standing, and exert active and speedy efforts to unify  laws in the State of Palestine. 

      The fight against corruption must be systematic, consistent, and comprehensive.  It cannot be just an occasional or isolated instance, and it must certainly not be influenced by political considerations, as in previous times. 

      The fundamental principle here is adherence to the law, rules, and regulations.  All officials bear the burden of enforcing the law, rules and regulations; failure to do so is itself a form of corruption, and the resulting consequences on the administration, economy, or social conditions are also a form of corruption.

      Combating corruption, therefore, is a collective effort by officials and the people – it must be carried out through administrative and legal measures as well as social norms. This is particularly relevant with regard to the abuse of power, abuse of trust, and waste of public money.  The efforts of the specialized Palestinian actors, namely the Anti-Corruption Commission, in the prosecution come after that. In this regard, we do not believe that the matter should be entrusted to a separate court. Rather, a fast track within the Palestinian judiciary should be sufficient.


      1.     Contribute to fighting corruption in the administration and society decisively.

      2.     Legislate to regulate the fight against corruption and attain the highest degree of effectiveness in this area.

      3.     Activate the role of the Anti-Corruption Commission and maintain its independence, free from personal whims and dependencies. 

      Clearly identifying and securing national consensus on the central national objective are paramount in our long battle against attempts to eliminate our national rights and eliminate our national entity.  The national goal is not a two-state solution or the creation of a diplomatic process for a settlement that we support:  the goal is the State of Palestine and its independence, with or without negotiations. 

      The State exists, and it is not Israel that grants it to us.  It is an existing State but under occupation.  And it exists by virtue of the natural and historic rights of the Palestinian people; by virtue of international legitimacy and the partition plan; and by virtue of the recognition of the majority of the world’s countries of the State of Palestine. 

      Therefore, we are not struggling for the establishment of the state, but rather for the achievement of national independence and the exercise of sovereignty in the State of Palestine, on the 4 June 1967 borders, with Jerusalem as its capital.  This, of course, requires defeating settler colonialism and ending the Israeli occupation.  Any manipulation of this, particularly the manipulation of the 1967 borders, can only serve the insidious Israeli objectives to legitimize settler colonialism and attempt to seize all of the Palestinian territory to establish so-called “Greater Israel.”

      In addition to the central national goal, there are other goals for the Palestinian people that must be preserved and that require efforts to realize, primarily the fulfillment of the Palestine refugees’ right to return, compensation and recovery of private property.  We must affirm the importance of the Palestine refugees’ ownership of their lands, in what has become Israel, and their full legal right to claim and restore them.


      1.     Legislate the Declaration of Independence and align legislative work with the existence of the State of Palestine on the borders of 4 June 1967, with Jerusalem as its capital, as well as with the central national objective.

      2.     Uphold the rights of the Palestine refugees to return, compensation and restitution as well as to recover private property, affirming in this regard the ownership of the lands of Palestine refugees.

      3.     Insist on completing the necessities of the state, including an airport, borders, and economic disengagement.

      Jerusalem is the beating heart of Palestine, home of Al-Aqsa Mosque the first of the two Qiblas and the third Holy Mosque, and home of the Church of the Holy Sepulchre. Jerusalem is the heartbeat of hundreds of millions of people of the three monotheistic religions, and the capital of the State of Palestine over which the Palestinian people will exercise their sovereignty. 

      The Palestinian population of the City are under Israeli occupation, subjugated under all manner of suffering.  Israel invented the notion of permanent residency for them, imposing its law and exorbitant taxes, even attempting to impose its educational curricula and culture.  At the same time, Israel exercised discrimination against [the Palestinian population] and provided them with few services.  For Israel, they are neither in Israel nor in the Occupied Palestinian Territory; a status that entails unparallel complexities.  However, Jerusalemites have confronted this situation with steadfastness, adhering to their national identity and unity with their people.  Therefore, relevant Palestinian authorities must give [Jerusalem] and its citizens absolute priority in planning, support, and assistance. We must endeavor to ensure maintaining the Arab character of schools and education, secure the stability of medical facilities that are of vital importance for the whole Palestinian population, and gradually restore Jerusalem’s quality of life and role in the Palestinian economy.

      The political and legal violations committed by Israel, the occupying power, including expanding the city’s borders, changing its demographic composition, attempting to Judaize it, and declaring it the capital of Israel, have all been strongly rejected by the majority countries around the world, as well as the United Nations Security Council and the International Court of Justice.  Despite the denounced step taken by the Trump Administration, namely moving the U.S. Embassy to Jerusalem, and its exertion of pressure on many countries, the international position remains steadfast in rejecting the recognition of Israeli actions and insisting that East Jerusalem is an integral part of the Palestinian Territory occupied in 1967.

      We reiterate that the relevant Palestinian authorities must do more to maintain the international position toward Jerusalem and to confront all States that attempt to violate international law and consensus on this matter.


      1.     Adopt political positions and legislations supporting the centrality of Jerusalem in the Palestinian people’s life and political project as the capital of the State of Palestine.

      2.     Legislate to provide support and assistance to Jerusalem and its residents, including in the areas of education, health, and economic life, in the face of hostile Israeli policies.

      3.     Reinforce the steadfastness of the people and institutions of Jerusalem.

      4.     Confront resolutely any party that falls into the trap of Judaization or compromise of the public, private, ecclesiastical, and endowment properties in the Holy City.

      The experience of the Palestinian people in the process of a negotiated settlement has been bitter.  Successive Israeli governments have lied about almost everything in this connection, violated not only international law but also concluded agreements, and committed all manner of crimes against the Palestinian people.  Worse still was the blind American bias toward Israeli extremism, including the crime of recognizing Jerusalem as the capital of Israel, the transfer of the U.S. embassy to the City, and ending the status of the U.S. Consulate in Jerusalem.  By its blind bias toward Israel, the United States has forfeited its role as mediator or sponsor of the peace process, and instead has become a party in the conflict. 

      Nonetheless, a negotiated settlement between the two sides, including determining the final borders between the two states and the nature of their relations, is more desirable than confrontation.  The Palestinian side’s commitment to engaging in a serious negotiated settlement that takes into account the lessons of previous failed experiences and the need to change the balance of power to achieve peace, must be reaffirmed.  This will necessarily require, from the outset, Israel’s recognition of Palestinian national rights and the State of Palestine on the borders of 4 June 1967, in return for the recognition already granted by the Palestinian side to Israel. 

      The final form of the settlement must therefore be agreed upon as the basis of any negotiation process.  To ensure the success of this process, the American monopoly must also cease, and an effective, serious, and impartial international mechanism must be agreed upon.

      As expected, the absence of this process as a result of the extreme right Israeli-American position, particularly if the Israeli side annexes any part of the West Bank, could compel the Palestinian people to abandon the idea of ​​achieving national independence through a negotiated settlement and instead struggle to achieve it without a negotiated settlement. This  would impose additional responsibilities on the international community, including of course, the recognition of the State of Palestine on the borders of 4 June 1967, with Jerusalem as its capital, by states that have not yet done so.  The announcement of any annexation of any part of the West Bank would constitute an Israeli declaration ending the path of negotiations, compelling us and the world to act accordingly.

      The situation in Washington appears to be different, albeit relatively, after the departure of the Trump administration and arrival of the Biden administration.  This administration will continue to be biased towards Israel like previous U.S. administrations, but will differ from the Trump administration, which went to unprecedented lengths in denying Palestinian national rights and preventing their achievement.


      1.     Uphold the achievement of the central national goal and other national rights.  We do not reject a negotiated settlement, but we must firmly define its requirements, particularly the prior commitment to the final configuration of the solution and acceptance of a Palestinian state on the borders of 4 June 1967.  We reject an American monopoly on the process, considering that the American administration has become a party in the conflict and that it is therefore necessary to move toward building a new international mechanism.

      2.     Call upon the international community to take real and concrete measures, particularly in the event of new major Israeli violations, including their recognition of the State of Palestine on the borders of 4 June 1967, with Jerusalem as its capital, and to push for recognition of the two States as the foundation and lever of a negotiated settlement.

      3.     Develop a clear strategy to deal with the new U.S. administration, based on our priorities.

      In the experiences of other peoples, there was always a clear separation between the stage of national liberation and that of reconstruction or post-conflict. However, in the Palestinian experience, the tasks of the two phases overlapped, which is unprecedented and difficult to implement, especially in light of the aggression of the other side and its desire to thwart the Palestinian experience and to overtake [Palestine] in its entirety.

      This became evident in the continuation and escalation of oppressive Israeli policies and measures against the Palestinian people; the nullification of concluded agreements; the reversion to the earlier situation [through] the direct Israeli control over the lives of the Palestinian people as an alternative to the [Palestinian] Authority; and then the subsequent avowal of extremist colonial plans to annex additional parts of the Occupied Palestinian Territory, as it had done with East Jerusalem before.

      Based on the foregoing, the contradiction between the tasks of the two phases must be ended by establishing precedence between them, in light of the political and actual circumstances.  In the current situation, this means prioritizing the phase of national liberation and confronting Israeli repression and practices against our people. That requires dedicating the necessary material resources to achieve this goal, along with redirecting human capacities to the right direction, which is essential, while also reconsidering the tactics used in confronting the occupation. 

      For example, we must firmly uphold Palestinian rights and confront all Israeli policies and actions against our people, including consistent and detailed documentation of all attacks, deliberate killings and other crimes, and assign this difficult task to a specific office within the [Palestinian] Authority, in conjunction with the numerous nongovernmental organizations and entities. The possibility of taking litigation steps everywhere against the occupying power, whenever possible, must also be considered, including the legal persecution and accountability of Israeli perpetrators and criminals, particularly given the crucial decision of the International Criminal Court.

      Naturally, this also requires carrying out our duties to improve the living conditions of our people, reduce the burden on our citizens, and support their resilience and economic conditions. Such duties are contingent on the necessary planning, as evident in other sections of this program, while correctly understanding the required balance and taking into account the limitations of addressing these needs under the current political circumstancesIt is also necessary to prepare for an immediate transition to adjust priorities and complete institution building and development in a broad sense, once the political realities, particularly Israeli policies, have changed.  Israel must realize that any movement against the [Palestinian] Authority will negate everything, including mutual recognition.

      In short, we are compelled to acknowledge and understand the facts on the ground as they are and to determine the appropriate steps moving forward, based on reality, not illusions or wrong assumptions.  We call for strengthening our resilience and determination, and the recognition of the reality, with the aim of achieving the best possible outcome for the benefit of our people at this stage.


      1.     Mandate a specific bureau in the [Palestinian] Authority to thoroughly and consistently document all Israeli aggressions, including deliberate killings and other Israeli crimes, especially those constituting war crimes and crimes against humanity.

      2.     Confront Israeli policies and crimes against our people with all forms of popular resistance.

      3.     Confront and reject Israel's attempt to restore the Israeli military government and civil administration and refuse to engage with them.

      The establishment of Israeli colonial settlements, confiscation of Palestinian land, and transfer by the Occupying Power its own civilian population to the occupied territory constitute grave breaches of international law; war crimes and a crime against humanity.  They are a reprehensible attempt to colonize the Palestinian territory and the State of Palestine, constituting an existential threat to the Palestinian people, their national entity, and the State of Palestine.

      Confronting and dismantling settler colonialism and imposing its reversal are the central tasks for the Palestinian people and in which all of the people's sectors and leaders must be involved to ensure success in this crucial struggle.  All legitimate mechanisms must be utilized, beginning with legislation that is consistent with our obligations in accordance with the Geneva Conventions of 1949.  Legislation must include the prohibition of working in settlements, cooperation with settlers and a ban on the trade of their products. This, in addition to organizing popular resistance to colonialism and colonial aggression, including the mobilization of available human resources and capabilities. 

      The region and the international community have an important role to play in establishing a system of sanctions against the colonial settlements, colonizers, and companies operating in these settlements, which implements the contractual obligations of States in accordance with the binding Geneva Conventions. The European and European Court decisions that colonial settlement products should be marked [as such] is an important step along this path that must be continued and supplemented by additional steps, including in other countries. The demand for the boycott of Israel is also based on a valid moral and political position, not just on the provisions of international law.  While we appreciate, support, and call for supporting this call, we distinguish between tis call, and the struggle against the settler colonialism of our country, which is authorized under international law and resolutions.

      We [also] affirm the right of peoples living under occupation and settler colonialism, to resist occupation and colonialism in all forms, including armed resistance, as affirmed by international law.  The National Democratic Assembly believes that in current circumstances, our people must engage in unarmed, active, and persistent popular resistance against the occupation and settler colonialism. The Assembly calls for a national dialogue to develop a unified strategy in this regard that will oversee the decision [pertaining to resistance] and the implications of the strategy.


      1.     Enact a law that defines the necessary procedures regarding colonial settlements, colonizers, and the prohibition of working in or engaging with settlements and their products, in accordance with the obligations of the State of Palestine as a contracting party to the Geneva Conventions.

      2.     Push for further developing the positions of international actors in the fight against Israeli settler colonialism and for a system of punitive measures against violators, including companies operating in and with settlements.

      Follow up on Israeli violations in accordance with international law and UN resolutions.

      The most important factor in our conflict is confronting the settler colonialism of our country, including the confiscation and expropriation of land by the occupying power.  A major effort must also be made to preserve the land in the Palestinian context.  This entails examining all transfers, acquisitions, ownership, or lease of land to individuals or entities, whether in the Gaza Strip or West Bank, in order to ensure the legality of these transactions and to restore the land in the case of any legal or political disorder.  It is also important to also confront the leaking of land and properties to [Israel] through brokers, to review past instances, and take the necessary measures, penalizing them with a view to deterrence.

      The issue of the land must be dealt with more seriously. Overall, land surveys, registration and classification of all of the land of the State of Palestine, including agricultural lands, green areas and roads, must be completed.  Detailed maps must be drawn up for every inch of the Palestinian land. We must also work on reforestation, reclaiming, cultivating, and increasing productivity of the land.  Additionally, the utilization of water resources must be improved, including the use of needed technologies.

      The Palestinian presence in its various forms should also be expanded throughout the land, including possibly enacting the necessary laws to control and monitor the status of state and endowment lands, including those located in the so-designated “Area C.”  Efforts must be made to allocate lands for Bedouin communities in the same area to support their steadfastness, especially on the lands threatened by colonial settlement expansion.

      It should be clear that there is no legitimacy for Israel to seize any part of the occupied territory, whether private or public property, and there is no part of any agreement that grants Israel such legitimacy.


      1.     Establish a government body with broad powers to oversee the work of preserving and classifying the land.

      2.     Encourage all actions that protect and use the land and strengthen Palestinian presence on the land.

      3.     Reinforce the resilience of citizens in threatened sites, areas adjacent to settlements and those behind the Wall, turning it into areas that attract citizens [for residence and development].

      4.     Revise old laws regarding the leasing of endowment lands and ensure their fair use for eligible groups.

      Living conditions of the Palestinian people have declined for many reasons, most notably due to hostile Israeli policies, and Palestinian performance as well.  Comprehensive economic development is not possible under occupation.  On the one hand, the regulatory economic framework, called the Paris Protocol, is not suited to natural economic development and on the other, it cannot be corrected or developed without changing the political situation. What can and must be done is to improve the living conditions of the Palestinian people, promote economic sustainability through alternate methods and policies that focus on supporting local production and the main economic sectors (tourism, agriculture, manufacturing, and technology) as well as revise financial policies and procedures.

      The past twenty-five years of the Palestinian National Authority’s existence under occupation has evinced the primary influences on and aspects of the Palestinian economy that need to be addressed, which are:

      1.     The vicious expansion of settler colonialism in the West Bank and Jerusalem, with the official support of the Israeli government and the complicity of successive U.S. administrations.

      2.     The continued structural dependence of the Palestinian economy on the Israeli economy, despite slight improvement in some of its indicators, and the continued employment of tens of thousands of Palestinian laborers in Israel and colonial settlements in the West Bank.

      3.     The shrinking size of the domestic market between the West Bank and Jerusalem, and between the West Bank and Gaza, in addition to the exponential increase in the cost of internal trade;

      4.     The growing inequality in per capita income and poverty rates geographically and socially;

      5.     The weak (at times negative) economic growth, with unemployment figures above 25% over the past 10 years and the [resulting] significant rise in poverty and extreme poverty, especially in the Gaza Strip;

      6.     Persistent government budget deficits, significant deficiency in public investments and infrastructure that does not meet the needs of the economy and the development of its production base.

      The continuing occupation and its control over border crossings will continue to be the main obstacle to any growth of the Palestinian economy or economic development. This is in addition to the erosion of the Paris Agreement, which continues to regulate the economic relationship between the two parties 27 years after its signing, despite Israel’s refusal to implement most of its provisions. 

      Building the strength and resilience of the local economy to serve the struggle to end the occupation requires a comprehensive mobilization of energies in a long-term strategy of action, centered on shifting the role of the [Palestinian] National Authority to becoming an instrument that provides basic services to Palestinian citizens that will strengthen their resilience, and empowers them in the struggle against the occupation and settlers in the conflict for land.

      In this context, the relationship between the PLO and the National Authority must be reformulated to be complementary:  The Authority as an instrument to empower and build institutions and promote resilience on the ground; the PLO as an instrument to oversee [resolving] the political conflict and strengthen the Palestinian entity.

      Success in building the inviolability of the national economy and its infrastructure will serve our political battle.  It is necessary to have the will, and to direct appropriate economic policies to serve the goal of ending the occupation.  In this connection, seven basic tasks and goals can be identified for the upcoming phase, which are derived from goals that the government, the private sector, and representatives of the productions sectors, such as farmers and laborers, in addition to civil society, must work together to achieve.


      1.     Confront the settler colonial project and annexation plans in the West Bank, including Jerusalem, with a broad strategy of action in the so-called “Area C”, particularly the Jordan Valley and the areas adjacent to the Wall, which is predicated on the rejection of this classification and works at the international and regional levels to implement practical plans and programs for the government, the private sector, and civil society, especially in the agricultural sector;

      2.     Build productivity by establishing a strong infrastructure that supports local products, including in relation to transportation; promotes exports, and guides consumption, [facilitates] loans for manufacturing projects, expands investment in agriculture and [incentives to] return to the land; encourage and improve small and medium-sized agricultural productivity; support the care and production of livestock; as well as restore control over our natural resources and wealth, primarily water, and our right to utilize our mineral resources, primarily gas and petroleum;

      3.     Strengthen social protection mechanisms to reduce poverty, extreme poverty, and unemployment, especially in the Gaza Strip; strengthen the social safety net; and continue to preserve the legitimacy and sanctity of political action by securing the needs of the families of martyrs, the wounded and prisoners;

      4.     Adopt development by participation, including the activation of youth capacities and regulatory and legislative institutions; [implement] substantial efforts to combat corruption; the establishment of an independent, transparent and effective judicial system; the advancement of a creative and capable human resources; rebuilding private sector and public associations and institutions such as trade unions and civil society, as well as youth and women's organizations and expanding public participation; and promoting production cooperatives and the role of micro-enterprises through the creation of an institutional legal framework that protects and assists small producers;

      5.     Reduce unjustified administrative government spending i.e., eliminating waste that is inappropriate for a struggling people; adhere to a budget that has been discussed and approved by the Legislative Council; review the tax policy to distribute the tax burden equitably and in the interest of strengthening the economy; and restore plundered funds and looted property to [employ them in serving] benefit the people;

      6.     Expand Arab and international support; review existing external assistance mechanisms; and agree on priorities and projects to maximize returns;

      7.     Expand employment opportunities, including abroad, as an alternative to migration.

      Human development is a strategic priority that requires time to manifest, perhaps even longer than one generation. However, vigorous and consistent work in this area is essential for continued progress.  Education and health are most crucial for the Palestinian people and their future, in addition to culture, cultural institutions, and the role of a free media. 


      The prevailing perceptions in the field of education, in addition to limited human and financial resources and insufficient investment in in this sector, have largely incapacitated the educational system.

      A comprehensive change in pedagogical thinking and the nature of the school system is required, including changing the curriculum and developing its content to encourage reasoning and creativity, introducing new teaching methods and materials, and moving education from indoctrination to a system that promotes critical analytical thinking and problem solving. This in addition to giving particular attention to technology, sports, art, music, and other extracurricular activities. 

      Change must also foster respect for the dignity of teachers and their right to a fair wage.  This requires a conscientious and thorough examination of the inputs of the pedagogical process and the reality of the educational reality as well as the actual, active involvement of parents and students in monitoring developmental needs and priorities, and the enhancement of teachers’ performance through training and improving their living conditions. 

      Higher education must also be developed to restore vitality and strength and efforts must be exerted to ensure developing this sector make it more contemporary, including focusing on new specializations in technology and scientific research.  Special attention must be given to vocational education, including restoring its status since it focuses on the development of skills and constitutes a correct alternative to formal university education, particularly when graduates cannot be absorbed into either the local or foreign labor market. Further, new specializations and keeping pace with the evolving demands of society must be a priority to reduce the increasing numbers of unemployed graduates.



      The health system as a whole must be overhauled and repaired in order to improve health services and stop the referral and transfer of patients, especially to Israel.  Public, preventive, and remedial health services and hospital protocols must be given particular attention, along with promoting action to combat harmful impacts on public health such as pollution and lack of knowledge.  Comprehensive health insurance must also be provided to all citizens through the public health system.

      Culture, Cultural Institutions, and the Arts:

      Culture is essential in the promotion of human development and plays a vital role in reinforcing conviction in the national, democratic, and civic values inherent in the Islamic and Christian religions, particularly equal rights, and in the importance of the rights to expression and to disagreement; the right to political and civic engagement, action, and protest, as well as other fundamental rights, including the right to freedom of thought, conscience and religion, and the elimination of all forms of discrimination on the basis of gender, religion, origin, race, or any other distinction. 

      The homeland belongs to all, with equal rights governed by law.  In pursuance of these principles, it is essential to foster the arts and cultural institutions to support their role in the enlightenment of society.

      The Media:

      The media, in all of its forms – visual, audio and digital, including social media platforms– play a vital role in society, cultivating cognitive knowledge, enlightenment and awareness.  Freedom of the press and all forms of media is a cornerstone of the democratic structure that we aspire to build, consolidate, and invigorate.  In this regard, various laws must be enacted to guarantee freedom of the media, protection of journalists and their sources, and guaranteeing the right of access to information, while also enhancing professionalism and the values of journalistic integrity.  In this regard, the Cyber Crimes Law must be replaced by a law suitable for a true democratic system.

      We also affirm the responsibility of the media and journalists and their role in the national struggle, internally and externally.  We believe that the media has a special duty to present the various aspects of the Palestinian narrative and elevate the standing of the Palestinian cause, as well as the Palestinian person, women, and the youth through their professional work.  This would contribute to reinforcing the national struggle and bolster support and solidarity with the Palestinian cause, on the Arab and international levels.


      1.     Work to change and develop the Palestinian educational system, including through legislation, and to further develop higher education.

      2.     Change and develop the health care system, with the aim of providing medical care to all citizens without exception and ending patient referrals (transfers) outside the State, and to allocate these funds [used in transfers] to support our healthcare system and invest in preventive health measures.

      3.     Preserve the historical Palestinian narrative, national identity and belonging through culture and the media.

      4.     Support cultural institutions and the various forms of the arts in addition to promoting intercultural dialogue and cooperative initiatives with other cultures. 

      5.     Enact various legislation to facilitate the work and ensure the freedom of the media, including the right of access to information.

      Our martyrs have made the ultimate sacrifice for their country and people, and we must always honor the Palestinian people’s martyrs, beginning with the leader and founder Yasser Arafat and all other great leaders.  We must endeavor to follow in their footsteps and carry their torch. 

      Palestinian prisoners [imprisoned by Israel] are the pride of Palestine who continues to sacrifice for our cause.  One of our priorities must be to protect and honor their patriotic role, as well at that of the brave, wounded Palestinians.

      Not only is caring for the families of the martyrs, prisoners, and the wounded an important national duty of the Palestinian people and the Palestinian Authority but a social necessity and a duty to respect their sacrifices on behalf of the homeland one the one hand and given that they are an important sector of society on the other.  Their families that lost their providers must be supported to enable all family members to play their natural role in Palestinian society.  As for prisoners, caring for them and preserving their rights while imprisoned [by Israel] must continue in addition to making every effort to secure their release, as well as enabling and assisting them once they have been freed to cope with the challenges of re-entering society and playing their normal role in it.


      1.     Affirm commitment to the rights of the families of martyrs, prisoners and the wounded, and the role of the [Palestinian] Authority and society towards them.

      2.     Support international actions to show solidarity with the prisoners and vigorously work to secure their release.

      3.     Make every effort to reclaim the bodies of Palestinians from the “Cemeteries of Numbers.”

      Women are half of society, are equal and have the same rights and duties as men, as affirmed in the Declaration of Independence and the Basic Law.  This separate clause was created to stress the importance of women and the need to be fair to them and defend their interests and their role in Palestinian society and the Palestinian national movement, as well as to shed light on some issues of concern to women.

      Of paramount importance are the legal rights of women, including the need to combat domestic violence, abuse, and harassment in all its forms; creating broad horizons for women, starting with [providing] education and employment opportunities; contributing to women’s political action in its various forms; as well as preserving affirmative action and strengthening it in elections to encourage the participation of women, and facilitate their participations to positions of responsibility.

      The role that the National Democratic Assembly has given to women in its current electoral list and the prominence of their representation is a manifestation of the Assembly’s understanding of their role and its absolute importance.

      It is crucial to continue the struggle to confront and eliminate all forms of domestic violence and abuse, especially violence against women and all [other] vulnerable groups, which must be supported and provided with better conditions and opportunities, including most prominently people with disabilities.


      1.     Promote the active participation of women in all decision-making positions.

      2.     Work to protect and empower women through legislations ensure they are not discriminated against.

      3.     Harmonize legislation with treaties and conventions that protect the family.

      4.     Review and correct legislation affecting women and their innate civil rights.

      The youth, both male and female, are the most important and largest demographic in the Palestinian population, now accounting for approximately 60% of the population.  Thus, they must be given a greater role and more vocal and influential voice in all social and political actions. 

      Society and governmental bodies are responsible for this task, starting with   enabling student organizations, unions, and youth organizations to play an effective role and to rebuild them in a democratic and unified manner.  There must also be greater interaction between youth and development organizations, in addition to opening the door for youth participation in the political arena by reducing the legal age to participate in the established bodies.  It is also vital to promote good practices and provide opportunities for education, training, and entrepreneurship and to provide assistance to that end from relevant authorities, including tax support and soft loans. Cultural, artistic, sports and scout associations must also be fostered and creativity and innovation encouraged.


      1.     Prioritize the youth and reduce the legal age for participation in the various [elected] bodies.

      2.     Rebuild and support student unions and youth organizations.

      3.     Provide the needed attention to the youth in the areas of arts and culture, sports, and scouting, while encouraging volunteerism, creativity, and innovation.

      4.     Encourage the youth not to rely on traditional employment and to move towards entrepreneurship and investment in building startups (SMEs), by providing soft loans and other financial facilitation.

      In any society, childhood and early childhood are the most important stages in the creation of a generation that enjoys good general and mental health in any society.  Although there are some basic health services for mothers and children in our country, there remains a lack of a long-term vision that goes beyond basic health needs to include policies that promote mental well-being and proper scientific foundations, critical thinking, and love of discovery.

      Other factors greatly affect childhood [development], including the deteriorating economic conditions and lack of food security for thousands of families, which directly affect the mental and physical health of the mother and impact the mental and physical health and development of the child.  The growing phenomenon of domestic violence, particularly during the pandemic, calls for urgently needed and clear policies on early childhood and motherhood as well as the need to provide care and support for this important segment of society.

      In addition to the aforementioned, emphasis must also be placed on the significant negative impact of aggressive Israeli occupation actions on children and mothers, especially in early childhood stage.  The practices of home demolitions, forced displacement, frequent night raids and break-ins, and growing settler terrorism pose a direct threat to the general wellbeing and psychological health of Palestinian mothers and children, including the loss of stability and security within the home and their long-term impact on the development of children’s personality and character.  Clear and practical policies must be adopted to address these aggressive practices and their effects, in a systematic and scientific manner.

      The Elderly:

      On the other side of childhood in human life is old age.  Of equal concern are the special needs of the elderly and the necessity to provide a general policy for their care in programs that may include aspects which are not the norm in our society, such as residential and other care facilities and support, including care in connection to mental health and other age-related illnesses.


      1.     Adopt a comprehensive, cross-sectoral policy for the protection of childhood and early childhood, including policies related to nurturing children and their conceptual development in kindergartens.

      2.     Enact a Childhood Law that criminalizes violence against children and deems the provision of health, psychological and educational care of the child a fundamental right and a strategic objective of the State.

      3.     Adopt a family protection bill that guarantees the care and protection of the child and mother.

      4.     Safeguard the health and psychological care of mothers, children and the elderly, as fundamental and essential rights for the safety and future of society.

      In Palestine, 5.8% of the population have disabilities.  They face challenges in education, vocational training, work and rehabilitation, transportation, health, sports, and other areas of life.

      Persons with mental, physical, and multiple disabilities cope with numerous difficulties, challenges, and discrimination exacerbated by the absence of the legal and social protections affirmed by international covenants and national laws, in addition to the obstacles and challenges imposed by the occupation.

      Despite the size of this sector, successive Palestinian governments have failed to do justice by them due to the absence of a national vision and political will, the lack of recognition by the executive authorities of their role as partners in development, weak legislation and the absence of institutional work and service quality standards. This, in addition to the diminished competence of relevant public servants, insufficient monitoring and accountability, limited specialized research, and the absence of effective representation of persons with disabilities in decision-making positions.

      Many persons with disabilities became disabled as a result of Israeli aggression and violence, or due to disease and injuries sustained in the workplace, among other causes.  Persons with disabilities deserve to live in a society where they can enjoy justice, equality, a dignified life, and full citizenship, free from discrimination, neglect, poverty, illiteracy, unemployment, and violence.

      Unemployment, abuse and poverty rate are increasing perilously among persons with disabilities and their families.  Direct and rapid intervention are required to put an end to their neglect and wrong interventions.


      1.     Develop national legislation to reconcile it with the Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities and monitor its implementation.

      2.     Develop control mechanisms to monitor negligence and violations and hold perpetrators accountable.

      3.     Promote a national vision to establish an inclusive State in which persons with disabilities enjoy justice, a dignified life, as well as full citizenship, and facilitate their employment in the public and private sectors.

      4.     Consecrate a national mandate that obliges all parties to work on eliminating physical, institutional, social, and environmental obstacles to ensure an inclusive environment for persons with disabilities.

      The main causes of the degradation of the Palestinian environment stem from abhorrent Israeli actions, including the discharge of settlement sewage and wastewater and disposal of nuclear waste on Palestinian land.  The situation in the Gaza Strip is particularly dire, including lack of clean water and sanitation, sea water pollution, wastewater contamination, and the massive accumulation of uncollected trash, in addition to the remnants of buildings destroyed by the Israeli military. 

      We need to establish a resolute environmental policy that has not been addressed in official planning and programs thus far.  Such policy must confront Israeli measures against the Palestinian people and the State of Palestine, as well as reinforce the importance of this issue by raising public awareness of the importance of this issue, because it will determine the situation in which we live and [the environment] our children will inherit.  The issue of solid and wastewater treatment and disposal must be addressed and resolved.  It is a problem that has become acutely important in Gaza, where the issue of water, whether for drinking, agriculture, or wastewater treatment, must be given serious attention.


      1.     Prioritize the allocation of resources for the provision of clean drinking water, including desalination, and wastewater management;

      2.     Completely prohibit the use of coal for production in Palestine, focus the use of gas rather than petrol, and reclaim the national gas resources in Gaza and the West Bank.

      3.     Develop specific government actions to promote the use of renewable energy, including solar panels in homes and public buildings, as a source of alternative energy.

      4.     Cultivate and promote the nurturing and expansion of reserves and green spaces in cities and villages.

      5.     Promote organic farming and avoid the use of chemical fertilizers and other chemical materials.

      6.     Contribute to the protection of the global environment and abiding by the Paris Agreement. 

      The [modern] Palestinian revolution has always been Palestinian at heart and Arab in depth. The Arab bond is not only an ideological and political choice, but an indispensable need, as Arabs – governments and peoples – are the main support for the just Palestinian cause.  In recent years, some Arab states have been subjected to severe pressure, including the widespread destruction of f many Arab countries for internal and external reasons, which has led to the general weakness of Arab regimes and imbalance in the paradigms of traditional relations between these States.  In addition, Israeli expansionist policies and some policies of Iran and Turkey have been at the expense of Arab interests.

      Recently, some States have chosen to abandon the basic idea of the Arab Peace Initiative, in which normalization with Israel is conditional on its withdrawal from the occupied territories and the realization of an independent State of Palestine, opting for normalization without linking it to the Palestinian cause.  Some of these States seem to believe that Israel could offer them protection in the confrontation with Iran and that the development of normal economic relations can be beneficial to both sides, ideas that were promoted by the Trump administration.  This not only constitutes normalization with the enemy gratis, but a subordination of those countries to Israeli command and control under the aegis of the United States.  This is harmful to the [Palestinian] cause and Arab interests in general, and it is not clear how it can achieve even minimal national benefits for those countries. Worse, this is occurring while Israel entrenches its denial of Palestinian national existence and rights, attempts to seize all of the land, and rejects any serierious settlement of the conflict.

      Palestine must confront this, including the possibility of further deterioration in the Arab situation in the foreseeable future.  At the same time, Palestine must develop an appropriate strategic plan within the framework of joint Arab action, particularly in the League of Arab States, which is the protector of the Palestinian cause.  The special relationship between the League and Palestine should in no way be abandoned.

      We also note that Israel, as it moves to a new phase characterized by its attempt to seize all the land, deny Palestinian rights, and achieve geographic expansion in the region along with economic and political hegemony, is also escalating its confrontation with the Palestinian people and the Arab situation, sensing its strength and the possibility of achieving its goals.

      We are required, therefore, to shift the confrontation to challenge the subversion of the Palestinian consciousness and, to some extent, the Arab consciousness.  This subversion is based on undercutting two basic ideas:  the first is Palestinian nationalism and, consequently, national affiliation and adherence to the national presence [on the land] and rights, including the national State; the second is Arab affiliation and the natural connection between the Question of Palestine and the Arab world as well as the common sensibilities and goals of the Arab peoples.

      We must work to deepen our relationship with the Arab countries. We must understand and engage to find solutions to the problems facing the region as well as expand our relations with the peoples, not only with governments, but also with political entities, social groups, civil society organizations, academia and intellectuals, etc.  In short, we must work to restore the relationship to its previous zenith, regardless of regional and governmental fluctuations.  Palestinians must not remain on the receiving end of Arab support and solidarity. Rather, we must also demonstrate solidarity with those Arab brethren confronting difficult circumstances and to interact with their just causes in the pursuit of liberation, development, justice, equality, progress, and democracy.


      1.      Rebuild, reinforce, and enhance our Arab relations to include political entities, civil society, academia and intellectuals, and other social actors.

      2.   Rebuild, reinforce, and enhance our Arab relations to include political entities, civil society, academia and intellectuals, and other social actors.

      3.     Stand with the brotherly Arab peoples in their just causes and strengthen the sympathy and solidarity between the Palestinian people and other peoples. 

      Arabs are the main support for the Palestinian struggle and must be given attention and priority.  The weakness of the Arab situation must be temporary, and we, Palestinians, must contribute even if in limited terms to ameliorating this situation, based on the choices of the [Arab] people concerned. Attempts must be made to overcome, through serious and frank dialogue, the policies of some Arab countries that were characterized by a clear misunderstanding of the facts and Arab interests. We must strive to establish more effective mechanisms for joint Arab action based on the common interests of Arab States.

      Internationally, attention must be given to Islamic States and traditional friends in order to strengthen relations and increase their support for our cause. We must also endeavor to restore relations with other friendly states, with due consideration for global shifts in politics and the economy.  Attention must also be given to important political centers, such as China, the Russian Federation and Europe, which can play a bigger and more important role in supporting Palestinian rights, especially in the absence of a serious political process. 

      In this regard, attention must also be given to the relationship with political forces in the West including, for example, Latin America, given their new dynamics; to reinforce relations with allies and confront hostile forces, particularly extremist evangelical groups and their destructive effects.

      We must work to rebuild the international solidarity movement and to ensure the participation of Palestinian communities in Europe, North America and Latin America as well as political entities, intellectuals, trade unions, Churches and Muslim groups, as well as the youth and student organizations [in these efforts].  This requires the effort of many Palestinian entities. In particular, this needed work highlights the importance of reforming the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and rebuilding the diplomatic corps must and redefining its functions, as well as ensuring compliance with its law.  At the grass-roots level, public diplomacy must be promoted through friendship associations, including through the alumni associations of various universities worldwide.


      1.     Engage in and contribute to confronting problems in the Arab region and push towards undertake serious and frank dialogue with certain States.

      2.     Strengthen official and public Palestinian relationships and confront hostile forces.

      3.     Reform the work of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and rebuild the diplomatic corps, reinforce its functions and [ensure] compliance with its law.

      4.     Build a general federation of friendship associations to promote public diplomacy, networking, and effective communication.